Nazi Germany 1933–1939: Hitler's Consolidation of Power
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Summary:
Explore how Hitler consolidated power in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1939, learning key political events and their impact on German society and history.
Unit 2 Nazi Germany 1933-1939: The Consolidation of Hitler’s Power and the Transformation of Germany
The story of Germany between 1933 and 1939 is one that haunts modern European history, not only because of the unspeakable atrocities that were set in motion, but also because it demonstrates how a democratic state can be dismantled from within. Emerging from the ashes of the First World War, the Weimar Republic never truly rose on stable ground; it was a nation riven by economic crisis, haunted by the Treaty of Versailles, and beset by internal political squabbles. Against this backdrop, Adolf Hitler, who had assumed the role of Chancellor in January 1933, seized the opportunity to reshape German society according to his own radical vision. This essay examines, step by step, Hitler’s calculated journey to dictatorship and the total transformation of Germany—showing how he used a blend of political events, opportunistic legislation, party manoeuvring, and ruthless violence to cement his hold over the nation. By considering the key developments between 1933 and 1939, this essay will analyse the consolidation of Nazi power and the consequences for German society, politics, and the wider world.
I. The Political Climate of Early 1933
The opening months of 1933 presented a picture of deep instability. Following the First World War, Germany’s Weimar Republic was marred by hyperinflation, mass unemployment, and a pervasive sense of humiliation instilled by the Versailles settlement. In the early 1930s, the world was in the grip of economic depression. German cities were filled with jobless men, and violence on the streets between paramilitary groups had become a fact of daily life.Hitler, despite the populist fervour he commanded, did not instantly possess absolute power upon becoming Chancellor. The Nazis did not win an outright majority in the Reichstag; their authority was precarious, reliant on coalition partners and the hesitant support of conservative elites who viewed Hitler as a puppet rather than a master. This fragility was dramatically altered in February 1933 when the Reichstag, Germany’s parliamentary building, was set ablaze.
On the night of 27 February, the Reichstag fire became a crucial tipping point. The Nazis claimed this was the start of a Communist uprising, conveniently providing Hitler the justification required to crack down on his political opponents. Marinus van der Lubbe, a Dutch communist, was quickly apprehended and presented as the culprit, although subsequent historians—from Alan Bullock in *Hitler: A Study in Tyranny* to Richard Evans in *The Third Reich in Power*—have remained sceptical about the official narrative. That ambiguity hardly mattered at the time; within hours, Hitler was able to convince President Hindenburg to sign the Reichstag Fire Decree, “For the Protection of People and State,” which suspended basic civil liberties, silenced critical voices in the press, and allowed for the mass detention of suspected Communists. The impact on the March 1933 elections was profound: the atmosphere of terror and suppression tilted the political playing field decisively in the Nazis’ favour.
II. The Enabling Act and the Legal Foundation for Dictatorship
Despite their success in exploiting the chaos after the fire, the Nazis had still not secured outright parliamentary dominance in the 5 March 1933 election. When the count was done, they controlled more seats than any other party but remained short of the two-thirds majority required to amend the constitution. The situation called for both brute force and political cunning.Hitler’s answer lay in the so-called Enabling Act. Framed as a necessity for emergency governance, this law would effectively transfer the power of legislation from the Reichstag to Hitler’s cabinet for a period of four years, allowing the Nazis to rule by decree. In order to pass it, they needed not only support from their coalition with the Nationalists, but also the acquiescence of the Catholic Centre Party. Hitler’s tactic, part threat and part promise, was a masterclass in political manipulation; he assured the Church of protection and respect for its rights while intimidating opposition MPs with the ever-present threat of SA violence. Communist deputies, already behind bars or driven underground, could not attend the vote, and only the Social Democrats dared to openly oppose the act. The Enabling Act passed on 23 March 1933, providing Hitler with the legal scaffolding for his nascent dictatorship.
This was the moment parliamentary democracy in Germany was interred beneath a thin veneer of legality—much as Shakespeare’s Macbeth used the cloak of law to mask ambition, so too did Hitler invoke the notion of law to justify the evisceration of the republic. Through the Enabling Act, the door was thrown open for a transformation without the need for further popular mandate or constitutional consent.
III. Gleichschaltung: The Nazification of German Society
With Hitler empowered to legislate at will, the process of Gleichschaltung, or “coordination”, began. This term, so chilling in its bureaucratic blandness, denoted the Nazis’ systematic effort to align every facet of German life with Nazi ideology. The famous German sociologist, Theodor Adorno, much later described this period as a time when “everything was transformed into its opposite. Democracy became dictatorship, freedom became surveillance, culture became propaganda.”The project started with the professional and social purges. Jews, Socialists, and anyone deemed politically unreliable were expelled from the civil service, law courts, and universities as early as April 1933. The Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service was a thinly disguised instrument of anti-Semitism and political repression, a warning of the darker policies to come.
One of the most dramatic moves came in May 1933: the outright abolition of trade unions, which had for decades been the backbone of workers’ rights in Germany. Their offices were stormed, leaders arrested, and funds seized. In their place, the Nazi-controlled German Labour Front (DAF) was established, turning workers into cogs serving the “people’s community” rather than acting in their own collective interest. The right to strike or negotiate was taken away, replaced by the regime’s paternalistic but smothering grip.
Political opposition was soon rendered impossible. By July 1933, a law was in place designating the Nazi Party as the only legal party; any remnant of pluralist politics had now disappeared. Local self-government was dismantled through the Law for the Reconstruction of the State in January 1934, placing all of Germany’s individual Länder (states) directly under Nazi control. Figures such as Hermann Göring—appointed to rule over Prussia, the largest German state—personified this new centralised order.
IV. Internal Challenges: The SA, Ernst Röhm, and the Night of the Long Knives
Not all threats came from outside the Nazi movement. As the party’s paramilitary wing, the SA (Sturmabteilung) was crucial during Hitler’s rise. By 1934, under Ernst Röhm, the SA’s numbers had swollen into the millions. Röhm, himself a passionate revolutionary, dreamt of the SA replacing the traditional German army as the nation’s principal armed force, furthering a “second revolution” that would shift power away from old conservative elites and industrialists to the Nazi streetfighters who had brawled their way through the Weimar years.This vision, however, terrified both the traditional military and Hitler’s non-radical supporters, whose confidence Hitler needed for coming ambitions—particularly the rearmament forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles. In June 1934, Hitler ordered a purge that would be known as the Night of the Long Knives: Röhm and much of the SA leadership were arrested and executed, alongside longstanding enemies such as von Schleicher and von Kahr. The episode left around 200 dead, sent through a macabre mix of summary trials and outright assassinations.
The outcome was twofold: Hitler demonstrated to the world, and to his own followers, that loyalty was non-negotiable—even for close comrades—and that power would henceforth be wielded solely by him. The army responded by swearing an oath of allegiance not to Germany, but to Hitler personally. This marked a grotesque inversion of the traditional social contract—a pledge that would prove fateful in the years ahead.
V. The Death of Hindenburg and Establishment of the Führer
Until August 1934, President Hindenburg remained a constitutional check on Hitler’s ambitions—a living relic of Imperial Germany and, to many conservatives, a reassurance that the republic would right itself. When Hindenburg died on 2 August 1934, Hitler wasted no time merging the offices of President and Chancellor, thereafter taking the title Führer und Reichskanzler. Through a retrospective vote (under conditions of intense propaganda and intimidation), Hitler obtained formal public approval for this merger.Perhaps most symbolic was the new oath sworn by the armed forces—a loyalty not to constitution or state, but personally to Hitler. In this act lay the total imbrication of the military with the Führer’s fate and ambitions.
From that point onwards, Hitler’s control was absolute. He now commanded the state, the party, the people, and the army—setting the stage for a regime where dissent, deviation, or even hesitation could mean death.
VI. Broader Impact on German Society and Foreign Policy (1933–1939)
The years between 1933 and 1939 were about more than just shifting legal structures or consolidating offices. The transformation permeated every level of German life. Culture and education were remoulded through orchestrated propaganda—Joseph Goebbels’ Ministry of Public Enlightenment presided over every book, film, and radio broadcast. The youth were marshalled into Hitler Youth and League of German Girls, instilled with unwavering devotion to Nazi ideals, reminiscent of Orwell's *1984*, where the regime’s grip extends into the thoughts and futures of children.Persecution of minorities, particularly Jews, became state policy, with the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 stripping citizenship and rights from German Jews and setting in motion social atrocities that would culminate in the Holocaust. The arts, universities, and sciences became instruments of ideology, where “un-German” work was expunged in mass book burnings.
Economic policy was no less transformative. Hitler’s government launched extensive public works—most famous being the Autobahn network—reducing unemployment and preparing the economy for war. The Four-Year Plan overseen by Göring steered the economy toward rearmament, openly flouting the constraints of the Versailles Treaty.
With the regime entrenched and society reshaped, Nazi foreign policy turned ever more aggressive: the remilitarisation of the Rhineland, the Anschluss with Austria, and the absorption of Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland all emboldened by the knowledge that opposition had been silenced at home.
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